Monday, September 27, 2010

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Klitsche Theodore de la Grande: "The last pickaxe." Review to "Fuck the power" to Andrea Cangini, published by Aliberti.

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LAST PICKS

little has been said and written this book "Fuck the power," in bookstores for a couple of months before the death of Cossiga, and therefore can be considered to be his (political-cultural ).

is a long conversation with Andrea Cangini published by Aliberti that moves on two different floors.

The first, familiar to the writer, for over twenty years director of a small magazine that was inspired by the political realism, is the conception of what politics (and human nature) and as a result should be evaluated and interpreted events and political events. The second

is the interpretation / revelation of individual facts - of which the former president was a privileged witness, had access to many arcana of the Republic - and are often surprising: in particular (but not only) for those who are accustomed to thinking according to the usual idols, without recourse to criteria at once more refined, culturally "owner" and less naive.

What makes it exciting and original political and cultural terms the book is not just the constant use of the tools, concepts, categories of political realism, but the fact that these are used in very limited and hidden practice everyday leaders, executives and journalists instead where there is need of Ave Maria and beads, making the political struggle - which is primarily a struggle for power and as such should be mainly considered - a catalog of good intentions and edifying utterances to making it incomprehensible and mystifying. A recount that "tales of ogres to children" as he wrote the Cross. Or rather do

Machiavellian policy, without the passion and the theory of Machiavelli, as he saw Schmitt, perhaps the most quoted author by Cossiga, wrote that if in fact Schmitt Machiavelli "was a Machiavellian, but the Prince would certainly have written put together a book on basis of a maximum moving. " Which, using print and television - the books rarely - do all the truffles in his career (and retired) of the Republic.

For example, consider the conditions of political and particularly that of the command / obedience (Freund) Cossiga says "Therefore, if the power structure in Italy is reeling because a nation rests on springs. And if the old adage says that "those who can well suited to command obedience," as we Italians not fit to command obedience because "the power" power is something great and wonderful in itself: can be admired, then but especially like perché dal potere ciascuno in realtà si aspetta favori e protezione” e citando Schmitt “«quanto più il potere si concentra in un luogo preciso, nelle mani di un singolo o, come si suo, dire, di un vertice… tanto più violenta, accanita e muta diviene allora la lotta tra coloro che occupano l’anticamera e controllano il corridoio». Affermazione in un certo senso complementare a quella di Nietzsche: «L’uomo è la specie più evoluta che ospita il maggior numero di parassiti»” (pp. 14-15) sull’aspirazione del notabilato (e dei “poteri forti”) a una leadership debole: “gli uomini forti di ciascun partito hanno interesse ad avere leader dimezzati in so that you can control and direct their steps. And the same goes for the many informal powers of the country, inevitably fearful of a policy from any strong and authoritative "(p. 31; the weakness of politics" is so particularly in countries with a tradition of weak state such as Italy, where in fact those who want to succeed in politics often end to get the shade of some other power "(p. 48): the relationship between technocracy and politics" a good technician can be a good politician but will not become a good politician for sure the mere fact of being a good technician "(p. 273) because" in the absence of ideals and ideas is often difficult to develop a sense of belonging to a community policy on which the militancy, and it is equally clear that without political activism is reduced to little more than a committee of business ... "(p. 66); on the Constitution" the only true rule of interpretation of constitutional law is to have the majority or not ... it's right, if tomorrow the majority of political forces and those she calls invisible powers of the country decided that, under the Constitution, Italy is a monarchy rather than a republic, many of the finest jurists Square endorsed without hesitation and that the argument would be the correct interpretation of the letter constitutional "(p. 80).

A move to revelation, that is the version of (part of many) mysteries of the Republic, even here the criterion of privileged Cossiga is the political, for example Clean Hands initiative that seems certain sectors of the judiciary: "In Italy, few understand the scope of 'revolutionary' end of the Cold War and the subsequent start of Clean Hands ... Despite my efforts, they had the least understood that the Berlin Wall would fall not on the Communist Party but the Christian Democrats and the Socialist Party. And for the simple fact that international communism disappeared, most of them there would have been no need " (p. 267).

Per piazza Fontana, questa fu opera degli americani, anzi “di qualche agente particolarmente imprudente dei servizi segreti americani”; sul presunto golpe del luglio ’64 “Nel luglio ’64 è stato sufficiente evocare un «tintinnar di sciabole» per ottenere i risultati politici auspicati: fu il caso del capo dello Stato Antonio Segni e del comandante generale dell’Arma dei carabinieri, già capo del Sifar, il servizio segreto militare, Giovanni de Lorenzo” (p. 121); la strage di Bologna sembra sia stata provocata dall’imperizia di un terrorista palestinese che portava una valigia d’esplosivo; e così via. Certo, molte di tali rivelazioni possono leave and leave - in fact - of the doubt but it is equally true that those who have become "official truth" (always those consecrated by the media, often from the judgments) are often less likely, because artificially based on assumptions, often naive and sometimes far-fetched. When he was President of the explanations, related to major political events and their logical consequences are far more satisfactory and reasonable.

Overall a book that we hope - but the lack of attention she received in the press does not bode well on the spread, while it is a confirmation of the quality and originality - can contribute to a country of Italy less soft (and malleable) than it is. And we think that this was the intention of a good patriot like Cossiga in the text.

Klitsche Teodoro de la Grange

Jumping Jack Cooler Rack Price List

Klitsche Theodore de la Grande: "The last pickaxe." Review to "Fuck the power" to Andrea Cangini, published by Aliberti.

Homepage
Previous - Next

LAST PICKS

little has been said and written this book "Fuck the power," in bookstores for a couple of months before the death of Cossiga, and therefore can be considered to be his (political-cultural ).

is a long conversation with Andrea Cangini published by Aliberti that moves on two different floors.

The first, familiar to the writer, for over twenty years director of a small magazine that was inspired by the political realism, is the conception of what politics (and human nature) and as a result should be evaluated and interpreted events and political events. The second

is the interpretation / revelation of individual facts - of which the former president was a privileged witness, had access to many arcana of the Republic - and are often surprising: in particular (but not only) for those who are accustomed to thinking according to the usual idols, without recourse to criteria at once more refined, culturally "owner" and less naive.

What makes it exciting and original political and cultural terms the book is not just the constant use of the tools, concepts, categories of political realism, but the fact that these are used in very limited and hidden practice everyday leaders, executives and journalists instead where there is need of Ave Maria and beads, making the political struggle - which is primarily a struggle for power and as such should be mainly considered - a catalog of good intentions and edifying utterances to making it incomprehensible and mystifying. A recount that "tales of ogres to children" as he wrote the Cross. Or rather do

Machiavellian policy, without the passion and the theory of Machiavelli, as he saw Schmitt, perhaps the most quoted author by Cossiga, wrote that if in fact Schmitt Machiavelli "was a Machiavellian, but the Prince would certainly have written put together a book on basis of a maximum moving. " Which, using print and television - the books rarely - do all the truffles in his career (and retired) of the Republic.

For example, consider the conditions of political and particularly that of the command / obedience (Freund) Cossiga says "Therefore, if the power structure in Italy is reeling because a nation rests on springs. And if the old adage says that "those who can well suited to command obedience," as we Italians not fit to command obedience because "the power" power is something great and wonderful in itself: can be admired, then but especially like perché dal potere ciascuno in realtà si aspetta favori e protezione” e citando Schmitt “«quanto più il potere si concentra in un luogo preciso, nelle mani di un singolo o, come si suo, dire, di un vertice… tanto più violenta, accanita e muta diviene allora la lotta tra coloro che occupano l’anticamera e controllano il corridoio». Affermazione in un certo senso complementare a quella di Nietzsche: «L’uomo è la specie più evoluta che ospita il maggior numero di parassiti»” (pp. 14-15) sull’aspirazione del notabilato (e dei “poteri forti”) a una leadership debole: “gli uomini forti di ciascun partito hanno interesse ad avere leader dimezzati in so that you can control and direct their steps. And the same goes for the many informal powers of the country, inevitably fearful of a policy from any strong and authoritative "(p. 31; the weakness of politics" is so particularly in countries with a tradition of weak state such as Italy, where in fact those who want to succeed in politics often end to get the shade of some other power "(p. 48): the relationship between technocracy and politics" a good technician can be a good politician but will not become a good politician for sure the mere fact of being a good technician "(p. 273) because" in the absence of ideals and ideas is often difficult to develop a sense of belonging to a community policy on which the militancy, and it is equally clear that without political activism is reduced to little more than a committee of business ... "(p. 66); on the Constitution" the only true rule of interpretation of constitutional law is to have the majority or not ... it's right, if tomorrow the majority of political forces and those she calls invisible powers of the country decided that, under the Constitution, Italy is a monarchy rather than a republic, many of the finest jurists Square endorsed without hesitation and that the argument would be the correct interpretation of the letter constitutional "(p. 80).

A move to revelation, that is the version of (part of many) mysteries of the Republic, even here the criterion of privileged Cossiga is the political, for example Clean Hands initiative that seems certain sectors of the judiciary: "In Italy, few understand the scope of 'revolutionary' end of the Cold War and the subsequent start of Clean Hands ... Despite my efforts, they had the least understood that the Berlin Wall would fall not on the Communist Party but the Christian Democrats and the Socialist Party. And for the simple fact that international communism disappeared, most of them there would have been no need " (p. 267).

Per piazza Fontana, questa fu opera degli americani, anzi “di qualche agente particolarmente imprudente dei servizi segreti americani”; sul presunto golpe del luglio ’64 “Nel luglio ’64 è stato sufficiente evocare un «tintinnar di sciabole» per ottenere i risultati politici auspicati: fu il caso del capo dello Stato Antonio Segni e del comandante generale dell’Arma dei carabinieri, già capo del Sifar, il servizio segreto militare, Giovanni de Lorenzo” (p. 121); la strage di Bologna sembra sia stata provocata dall’imperizia di un terrorista palestinese che portava una valigia d’esplosivo; e così via. Certo, molte di tali rivelazioni possono leave and leave - in fact - of the doubt but it is equally true that those who have become "official truth" (always those consecrated by the media, often from the judgments) are often less likely, because artificially based on assumptions, often naive and sometimes far-fetched. When he was President of the explanations, related to major political events and their logical consequences are far more satisfactory and reasonable.

Overall a book that we hope - but the lack of attention she received in the press does not bode well on the spread, while it is a confirmation of the quality and originality - can contribute to a country of Italy less soft (and malleable) than it is. And we think that this was the intention of a good patriot like Cossiga in the text.

Klitsche Teodoro de la Grange